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Big-power realities
Nayan Chanda
Tue, Apr 15, 2008
The Straits Times
BE

IJING'S ruling class has grown accustomed to China being lionised for its economic transformation. The country has been having a good run in international opinion for well over a decade. It must in consequence have left members of the Politburo shaken to witness the virulence of sentiment expressed against China, with the Olympic torch run providing the improbable spark. Granted this was a sudden turnaround; granted the pre-Olympics disruptions do not look like a movement that will morph into a China-the-ogre state of mind. But the surprise would be Beijing not anticipating a coalescing of opprobrium over a range of its failings, whether these are real or manufactured by its critics. This has been a demonstration of big-power realities. Nations which have been exposed longer to the collective world's scrutiny, like the United States, would treat tempests with lordly contempt or they will attempt to explain themselves. The Chinese elites in politics and diplomacy, as well as the scholar class, will have to learn to adapt to the fact that China as a big power must carry itself like one. On the Tibet issue, Beijing has emphasised only the dangers of secession, a security concern most of the world can comprehend. It will get a better reception if it also sets forth the socio-economic progress it has brought the Tibetans. How can anyone argue against progress? It has not interfered with the practice and liturgy of Tibetan Buddhists, but the outside world does not know about it. In the vacuum, charlatans in politics, showbusiness and, sadly, even academia have the field to themselves, perpetuating calumnies and distortions. The Chinese display of lordly contempt in this instance is not the smartest way of managing an image problem.

The disruptions in Europe and America last week were acts of hooliganism as much as solidarity expressed for the Tibetans, to the extent activists knew anything of the Tibetan issue's manifestations. The anti-China storm has been nothing compared with the anti-American animus shown in synchronised Iraq war protests worldwide, in its various cycles. A lot of the negative fervour has grown from Westerners' ignorance about developments in modern China. But the real scandal comes in the opportunistic way European leaders have made use of public sentiment to boost their declining political fortunes. The leaders of Germany, France and Britain have said they are staying away, or will stay away, from the Games opening ceremonies to which all world heads are invited. This bowing to populist sentiment is short-sighted expediency. When the eventual cost to their people is toted up, in missed commercial deals and China's diplomatic goodwill, they would wish they had shown courage.
 

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