Sin Chew, Malaysia's top-selling Chinese newspaper, not only makes money but is also the most powerful voice in the Chinese media. Even Education Minister Datuk Seri Hishammuddin Tun Hussein courts the paper because he needs its cooperation to air policies on Chinese schools.?

Today, 95 per cent of Chinese children in the country attend Chinese schools. More importantly, says Ms Sim, the Chinese media (six in the peninsula and eight in East Malaysia) is part of what is known as the 'three pillars of the Chinese community'. ?

The other two pillars are the Chinese schools (1,291 SRJKs and 60 independent schools) and the Chinese organisations or hua zong (7,000 registered clan, guild and business groups).

(SRJKs are Sekolah Rendah Jenis Kebangsaan, or National Type Primary Schools)

But are the Chinese in Malaysia a homogenous entity?

According to Ms Sim, who is also deputy chairman of the MCA think-tank Insap, anyone who wishes to understand the Chinese social and political sentiment has to first understand those Chinese who subscribe to the concept of the three pillars (G1) for the simple reason that they make up 85 per cent to 90 per cent of the 6.5 million Chinese in the country.?

The remaining 10 per cent to 15 per cent are, for want of a better term, referred to as the English-speaking group (G2). ?

The G2 encompasses those who are not Chinese-educated; this group speaks English and includes a large number of Christians, peranakan (Straits-born) and members of Lions and Rotary clubs. ?

Ms Sim and Insap director Fui K. Soong have done quite a bit of research on the two groups.?

'People often talk about the Chinese as though they are one homogenous entity, but they are not,' says Ms Soong.?

The two groups are quite distinct, although they do overlap in some traits and issues.?

But what distinguishes the G1 from the G2 is that the latter does not subscribe to the three-pillars concept even if some in the group have begun sending their children to Chinese schools.?

To the G1, Chinese education is part of their socio-cultural life and even their identity as a race. Chinese associations and Chinese media form part of that identity.?

But the G2 who send their children to Chinese schools do so for largely pragmatic reasons. They think that these schools offer a better standard of teaching and that it is useful to learn another language.?

Those in the G2 are more likely to read English and Malay papers than Chinese papers and their social life and networking do not revolve around the traditional Chinese associations.?

Narrow perspective

THE G1 people, says Ms Sim, are distinguished by their relative sense of self-sufficiency. They neither depend on nor demand too much of the government. Many run their own businesses, mostly small and medium-scale enterprises or SMEs. ?

Hence, political stability and a good economic environment in which to work and live are very important to the G1 and they expect the powers-that-be to provide that climate for growth.?

'They want the government to be fair and not to interfere too much in their businesses. Basically, this group wants to be left alone. ?

'They think they can take care of themselves as long as there aren't too many barriers or interference,' says Ms Sim.?

That is why schemes such as the Northern Corridor Economic Region (NCER) and even the Iskandar Development Region, to some extent, do not excite the G1. They think the NCER, which is about logistics and infrastructure building, benefits the GLCs rather than SMEs like their own.?

The G1 people see many issues from their own narrow perspective. For instance, the recent crackdown on pig farmers in Malacca was not just about the authorities regulating farms but was seen as a threat to Chinese business interests.?

At the height of the pig farming issue in Malacca, Alor Star MP Datuk Chor Chee Heung could not walk into a coffeeshop in his Kedah constituency without being bombarded with comments.?

It was taking place down south but Chinese businessmen in Kedah were as riled up as if it were happening on their doorstep.?

'One day, I walked into the coffeeshop and I thought, 'Die, man, I'm going to get it'. They saw it as a move against the community,' Datuk Chor recalls.?

The downside about G1 people is that they tend to live in their own ethnic bubble - they attend Chinese schools, read Chinese papers and some of them probably know more about what is happening with political personalities in Taiwan than, say, Umno or PAS.?

The Chinese-educated also label the English-speaking group 'bananas', meaning they are yellow outside (Chinese) but white inside (pro-Western culture).

Western influence

THERE is no denying that the G2 group is more open to Western ideas and ideals.?

'Their ideas of governance, democracy, role of the media and even elections are influenced by the West, namely Britain and the US. They like to say these are universal ideals even though half the world does not subscribe to the way the Americans and British think,' says Ms Soong.?

And given that the general election is looming on the horizon, the question most asked is how these two groups will vote.?

Ms Soong says the G2 is issue- oriented and its votes swing from one election to another. It is mostly middle-class, articulate and likely to take issues to the press and, in recent years, to the Internet.?

The Chinese, it is often said, are quite inscrutable about their politics but not this group. It is not afraid to air its political views or who it will vote for.?

'They are so articulate about their grievances that people think, 'Oh dear, the entire Chinese community is upset'. But actually, their views reflect mainly those in this English-speaking group,' says Ms Soong.?

The G2 has been the most critical of the ruling party in recent years.? The Christians in the group are particularly concerned about the issue of an Islamic state.?

According to Ms Soong, the survival of the common law and the secular state is very important to this group because it guarantees their modern lifestyle and, for the Christians, the freedom to practise their faith.?

'Their fears about the Islamic state are very real and emotional because they see it as a threat to Christianity. The fear comes from deep in the gut,' she adds.?

The G1 has its own grouses but its concerns are more diverse.?

'At least 30 per cent of them are hardcore opposition supporters. This group, even if you sent them to heaven and back, will still vote for the opposition, especially the DAP,' says Ms Soong.?

Within the G1, there are also about 25 per cent hardcore MCA supporters who will sink or swim with the party.? Of the remainder, 10 per cent are deemed indifferent to politics and elections, leaving about 35 per cent who are known as the swing voters.?

They are the ones whom political parties woo like crazy during elections because their votes can determine the result. The swing voters are also very issue-oriented and would react to things like controversial statements from Umno leaders.?

The G1 is generally uncompromising when it comes to Chinese education. The MCA and Gerakan took a beating at the polls during the 1980s because this group felt the government was unfair to Chinese schools.?

Many of them now feel their struggle for Chinese education has been vindicated, with the rise of China as a global powerhouse. They point out that even the US News magazine recently reported that learning Chinese would rank 12th among the 50 things to accomplish in one's lifetime to improve one's quality of life.?

The Chinese-schools issue has not been this stable in decades, something many credit to the confluence of two key politicians. ?

One is Datuk Seri Ong Ka Ting, the first MCA president to really understand the group's feelings about Chinese education; hence, his commitment to the issue. ?

The other is Datuk Hishammuddin, who has been more open to Chinese schools than any other Malaysian education minister.?

Economic opportunities are another top concern, while recent years have seen a rise in concern about crime and public security. ?

This group's fear about the Islamic state has less to do with its potential impact on its religions than on how syariah law will affect its economic interests.?

But the issue of fairness underlies the concerns of both groups.?

As Datuk Chor puts it: 'Whether it's education, business or local services, the Chinese just want fair treatment.'?

If there is anything homogeneous at all about the Chinese, it is about fairness for everyone.

THE STAR/ASIA NEWS NETWORK